Russia’s invasion of Ukraine failed to
produce the quick victory that Vladimir Putin and indeed the wider world expected.
Kyiv did not fall in days, as everyone assumed. The Ukrainian government survived. But this
should not be as surprising as it once seemed.
The mistake of assuming a rapid, decisive
victory is one that military leaders and warring states have made since ancient
times. Sun Tzu cautioned leaders who thought of uncomplicated victories that “the worst
policy of all is to besiege walled cities” and that “there is no instance of a country
having benefited from prolonged warfare.”
Putin, like so many wannabe conquerors
before him, failed to heed these warnings, and by March 2022, found himself in a
prolonged war of attrition. No single decisive battle would end this war. Exhaustion
from equipment losses and casualties would.
It has now been over two years since
the invasion began and both sides have suffered from this latest instance of protracted
warfare. But how many casualties have both sides taken since February 24th, 2022? And how do
these casualty figures tie in to the ability of each of the warring countries to carry on
the hostilities and walk away with a victory?
First, it is helpful to remember that casualties
do not equal people being killed in action. Casualties not only include those killed,
but also wounded, captured, or missing.
In 2021, Ukraine’s population was about 44 million
people. Russia’s 2021 population was about 143.4 million, a figure 3.2 times as large. According
to the Global Firepower Index, as of 2024, Ukraine has an available manpower of about 22
million, with 15.4 million fit-for-service and 476,000 reaching military age annually.
Russia has 69.4 million, 46.4 million, and 1.2 million in each respective category.
Two years of war in Ukraine have produced hundreds of thousands of casualties in a combined
total, but trying to determine more specific figures than that is a little trickier. For
understandable reasons, both sides are reluctant to release their data. Looking at the size of
the respective armies is a good way to start.
Before Russia invaded, Ukraine had about 300,000
personnel between its regular armed forces and paramilitary troops. The war has swelled
Ukraine’s forces to about 2.2 million today, with an active duty force of 900,000.
The rest are reserves and paramilitary forces and not all of them are deployed at once.
Russia, meanwhile, began the invasion with 190,000 troops, but this was obviously not enough. By
May 2023, after the partial mobilizations began, the number went up to 300,000, according to EU
sources. By September, Russian forces in Ukraine had increased to 420,000, according to sources
in Ukrainian intelligence. Russia’s armed forces number 1.32 million active personnel, two million
in reserve, and 250,000 paramilitary troops. Not all of these are deployed in Ukraine, as some
of them need to patrol Russia’s long borders, but more of the country’s available troops have
steadily been drawn in as the conflict continues.
How many of these troops have become casualties?
By June 2022, Ukraine reported that 10,000 of its men had been killed and an additional 30,000
injured. Russian losses were reported to be about three times that number. Accounting for
overestimates, this is at least a reasonable idea, because Ukraine was on the defensive as Russia
attempted to sweep through the Donbas region. In September, Russia released figures supposedly
showing that Ukraine had suffered 61,000 deaths and about 49,000 wounded, in comparison
to about 50,000 Russian wounded and ten times fewer fatalities. These figures
were plainly absurd, especially with Russian troops routing as Ukraine was regaining
thousands of square kilometers of territory.
2023 brought more concrete, independent
data. In August, the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United
States of America (PNAS) used 4,609 reports of military and civilian losses encompassing
both sides and developed a statistical model to come up with a reasonably accurate estimate
of each country’s respective casualties. The authors tried to account for reporting biases on
both sides. In particular, the study found that both sides overestimated the losses suffered by
their respective opponents. Ukraine, they said, tends to magnify Russian deaths to twice what
they actually are, while Russia estimated that Ukraine suffered four times as many fatalities
as it actually did. PNAS also said that Russian sources underestimated their own casualty
figures. The authors noted that Russia has suffered both more total casualties and a greater
proportion of fatalities within its casualties, and Russian sources typically only report a third
of the deaths their armed forces actually suffer.
PNAS estimated that by February 2024, Ukraine had
suffered about 17,200 fatalities and about 33,000 injuries. At this point, Russia was taking tens of
thousands of casualties in the months’ long battle for Bakhmut. That same month, Russian Defense
Minister Sergei Shoigu claimed that his forces had suffered 11,000 casualties in the battle, but
Western officials said that between 20,000 and 30,000 Russian troops had become casualties there.
These figures did not include the mercenaries from the then-active Wagner Group, which also suffered
terrible losses during the battle, enough for it to rise in revolt against Moscow shortly after
the city fell. Ukraine’s garrison at Bakhmut had inflicted highly disproportionate casualties.
But all was not well for Ukraine. As the Battle of Bakhmut raged, Ukraine was preparing for
its counteroffensive in Zaporizhzhia. Western observers had high hopes for this operation and
hoped that it would reach the Sea of Azov, cutting Russia’s land bridge to Crimea. Unfortunately,
Ukraine was unable to even come close to repeating the successes of 2022. The Ukrainian military
wound up cracking the first two of Russia’s three extensive lines of defense in Zaporizhzhia,
but were unable to translate this momentum into a wider breakthrough. As Ukrainian forces
flung themselves on the most elaborate network of fortifications seen in Europe since World War
I, casualties naturally mounted. By August 2023, as the campaign in Zaporizhzhia raged, American
sources estimated that Ukraine’s casualties ballooned to a number between 100,000
and 120,000 injuries and 70,000 dead.
Curiously, though, Russia is regarded as
having taken more casualties in this campaign than Ukraine despite being on the defensive.
In September, the Institute for the Study of War noted that Russia’s “Storm-Z” detachments
with convict recruits had arrived to act as “cover” for units in the regular army, such as the
airborne forces. With these troops being treated as cannon fodder, Russia was suffering hundreds
of casualties per day even as the Ukrainian offensive was failing to make strategic gains.
With costly human wave tactics hearkening back to many past wars, it should not be surprising
that Russia has suffered far more fatalities than it officially reports. In June 2022, Russian
sources claimed that they had suffered about 5,900 fatalities since the war began, but
British intelligence sources estimated it to be nearly three times that, at roughly
15,000, and Ukrainian sources claimed it was over 30,000. Given the biases that PNAS
mentioned, the British figure is likely the most trustworthy for that point in the war.
By February 2023, PNAS’ estimate for Russian casualties was roughly 150,000 injuries and almost
70,000 fatalities. In August, after the Russians had captured Bakhmut at an enormous cost and were
suffering during Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia campaign, American intelligence sources estimated that
Russia had suffered 120,000 fatalities during the course of the war, with an additional
170,000 to 180,000 injured. This would seem like a high proportion of deaths compared to
the total casualties, and given their source, may be less than trustworthy compared to
another figure released two months later. An independent investigation by the BBC and
Mediazona, an anti-Putin Russian news outlet, used data from Russian cemeteries to conduct a
statistical analysis. Through this study, they estimated that Russia had suffered at least 88,800
fatalities since the war started. A month later, a Ukrainian army official claimed on Facebook
that Russia had suffered 170,000 injuries and over 150,000 deaths. The BBC/Mediazona
study is likely the closest to the truth.
By March 2024, the British Ministry of Defence
claimed that Russia had suffered 355,000 total casualties in the two years’ war, amounting to
about 983 per day. Two months earlier, British officials predicted that Russia would suffer over
500,000 total casualties by the end of 2024.
But these are military casualties only. Civilians
have typically suffered the worst in war. Has it been the same this time? Russia has ignored
the international humanitarian treaties that it has signed on to and attacked Ukrainian civilian
population centers. Civilians in Russian-occupied areas have suffered even worse. In September
2022, UN sources estimated that there were 18,500 civilian injuries and 10,000 deaths in Ukraine.
This would be a low ratio of civilian-to-military losses in historical wars. The UN said the true
figures could be much higher due to verification issues. Many of these casualties came during
the siege of Mariupol that lasted between February and May 2022. Ukrainian sources
claimed that 25,000 civilians died there, although they would have wanted to magnify
this number as part of the information warfare environment against Russia. UN sources confirmed
1,350 such deaths, but naturally estimated the number to be significantly higher. In January
2022, the city had a population of about 425,600 people. By May 2023, it had dropped to about
120,000, with the Institute for the Study of War citing Russian documentary evidence that plans
were in place to ethnically cleanse the Ukrainian people there and replace them with Russians.
UN sources claimed that 500 civilian deaths and 1,047 injuries were of children. Given that
Russia has been known to attack at least one school in Kharkhiv with cluster bombs – an
unambiguous war crime that resulted in the death of a child – this is likely an undercount.
Cluster bombs often fail to detonate, with Russian bombs in particular having dud rates as high
as 40%. These unexploded bombs in effect become landmines. This is why it should not be surprising
that at least 303 of those civilian deaths and 676 injuries came from mines and abandoned explosives.
Ukraine has since become the most heavily-mined country in the world and more civilians have
undoubtedly been accidentally killed by these.
The February 2023 PNAS study estimated
that 13,000 Ukrainian civilians had died and about 19,000 had been injured.
In February 2024, the UN released a new estimate, verifying 30,457 civilian casualties, with
close to 11,000 killed and 20,000 injured.
In a total war of attrition, inflicting
civilian casualties helps to cripple the enemy economy by depriving it of labor and productive
capacity. This was the case during World War II, and like in so many other ways, the Russian
military seems to be taking this approach to the treatment of civilians in Ukraine,
despite international humanitarian law.
Since the war has been mostly fought on Ukrainian
territory, Russia has suffered few civilian casualties. However, it has not escaped unscathed.
Cross-border raids, such as the one in Belgorod in May 2023, and missile and drone attacks have
left their marks. By August 2023, 7x7, another Russian independent media source, estimated that
there had been 105 civilian casualties. These were concentrated near the border with Ukraine.
While wounded men can sometimes return to action, this is often not the case. By December 2023, at
least 20,000 of Ukraine’s wounded had required amputations, and, according to a Russian
source that was perhaps being unusually honest, over half of all the wounded
Russian soldiers required amputation.
Tens of thousands of troops are also suffering
from mental health issues. Lack of adequate rotation, especially in the Russian lines,
has led to a full-blown mental health crisis. Abuse of alcohol and other drugs is common.
Although the reports vary, the conclusion seems inescapable that Russia has not only
suffered more casualties than Ukraine, but at a disproportionate rate. However, because Russia has
a significantly larger population, it can still more easily afford its casualties than Ukraine,
since they are far more easily replaceable.
There are additional problems for Ukraine
in mobilizing its people to fight this war. Much of the population has become refugees since
the invasion started. Eight million Ukrainians have been internally displaced between February
and May 2022. An additional eight million fled the country by the war’s first anniversary.
That amounts to 37% of the country’s pre-war population. Although most of these refugees
have been women and children who are either unfit for military service or are not fit for
all tasks, experts estimate that at least 20,000 Ukrainian men fled to avoid being drafted.
The situation seemed to improve for Ukraine by the end of 2022, as some of the refugees
returned home, with the figures dropping down to 5.1 million internally displaced
persons and 6.3 million Ukrainian refuges living abroad. Ukraine’s successful
counteroffensives drew some people back. However, the war has turned against Ukraine since then.
There is a darker side to this population flow. About one million Ukrainian nationals
have forcibly been deported to Russia. The Fourth Geneva Convention, which
Russia has ratified, prohibits this, and so this practice is considered a war
crime. The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for some Russian officials,
including Vladimir Putin, for this behavior.
However, Ukraine is not the only one suffering
a loss of available manpower through refugees. Russia has also suffered, and disproportionately
in the prime military demographic. When Vladimir Putin announced his partial mobilization in the
autumn of 2022, hundreds of thousands of men left the country to avoid conscription. These people
are often some of Russia’s best and brightest, who contribute disproportionately to its economy.
Between 800,000 and 900,000 total people have fled Russia since the start of the war. At least
250,000 men are among those refugees. These are all people that cannot be called on to
do any military service and their no longer being available is important for Ukraine, as it
amounts to Russia essentially losing a year’s worth of replacements for its soldiers. This is
crucial if it wants to win the war of attrition.
Nevertheless, Ukraine is suffering a much worse
shortage of manpower, which is why the country’s draft laws have been changed. In April 2024, the
Ukrainian Parliament passed a new law that made more people eligible for conscription. Ordinarily,
Ukrainian men over the age of 27 had been subject to conscription upon declaration of martial law.
The legislature has since lowered the age to 25, but the law went further than broadening the
draft pool. Ukraine’s brass has complained that not enough troops are showing up to
camp. Draft dodging has become common. As in most wars of this nature, the initial swell
of patriotism has since given in to gloom as the cost of conflict has revealed itself.
Troops are no longer so eager to fight.
To crack down on draft dodging, the new law
requires men to update their conscription data with the authorities within 60 days.
Draft dodging now also comes with stricter penalties. A proposal to insert time limits for
mobilization was dropped and military service remains open-ended. However, there are also
new incentives. Volunteers now get more pay.
The Ukrainian Parliament has also loosened
recruitment rules in another way. In a sign of the increasing pressure Ukraine is under, the
new law takes a page out of Russia’s playbook and permits convicts to join the army under some
conditions. Women are still not required to serve, but earlier legislation expanded the number
of professions in which they were mandated to register. Previously, only women serving in
specialized roles such as medicine were required to register for military service. Now women in
professions as varied as journalism and music can be mobilized if wartime conditions demand it.
So far, women have not been forcibly mobilized, but as pressure mounts, that could change.
These new measures inspired fierce opposition among the war-weary Ukrainian public, but
casualties in the two years of fighting have taken their toll and the military needs replacements.
Ukraine’s brass, such as General Yuriy Sodol, who commands the forces in Kharkhiv, Donetsk, and
Luhansk Oblasts, lamented that he lacked manpower, with the Russian invaders outnumbering
his troops “by 7-10 times.” This is not a winning formula in a war of attrition, even as
Ukraine continues to inflict disproportionate casualties on Russian troops.
Acknowledging that attrition, and not a decisive battle, would be the key
to winning this war, the Estonian Ministry of Defense claimed in December 2023 that Ukraine
would need to kill or maim at least an additional 100,000 Russian troops in 2024 in order for
victory to be possible. The Estonians warned:
“If undisrupted, Russia has the capacity to
train approximately 130,000 troops every six months into cohered units and formations
available for launching operations.”
This would lead to 260,000 new troops available
per year, which in turn can sustain a total force of 420,000 troops in Ukraine. The Estonians
said that Ukraine must increase the demand for Russian manpower to the point that Moscow
cuts corners with its basic training and sends increasingly worthless replacements to the
battlefield. These troops will die faster, leading to a feedback loop of Russia becoming
increasingly desperate for manpower as the war spirals into an unsustainable cycle.
To do this effectively, Ukraine must also mitigate its losses. The Estonians estimated that Ukraine
suffered a total of 200,000 casualties just shy of the war’s second anniversary. They recommended
that Ukraine’s Western allies help it to mitigate its casualties by providing better training
to Ukrainian recruits. Over 100,000 Ukrainian soldiers have been trained by its Western allies.
However, the Estonians reported that this training was not to the same quality. For example,
basic training in the US Army is ten weeks, followed by months of additional training for
specialized tasks. Ukrainian troops have only gotten five weeks in basic and presumably
far less time for specialized tasks.
“It is time for us to set new objectives,
a new pace and a new standard of quality in training,” the Estonians concluded.
This strategy of increasing Ukraine’s lethality while training its soldiers
to higher standards will require time, though, time that Russia believes it has on its
side. Ukraine has suffered severe shortages of ammunition in the first half of 2024 as Western
aid slowed down. Aid picked up in the spring, with millions of shells and other vital ammunition
set to arrive this summer. These packages should take Ukraine at least into 2025. Ukraine already
killed or maimed well over 100,000 Russian troops in the first two years of the war. With such
tools on hand, it is in a good position to meet the benchmark the Estonians have set for it, but
difficulties have been multiplying. The British General Sir Richard Barrons warned in an interview
with the BBC that a major Russian offensive looked to be coming this summer, which he thinks will
be in Donbas and potentially toward Kharkhiv.
In April, General Christopher Cavoli,
the senior American commander in Europe, warned that Ukraine would need significantly more
aid and ammunition. Such aid is now arriving, and with stubborn Russian human wave tactics,
the new shells, missiles, and later in the year, F-16s, should give Ukraine the means to
inflict the 100,000 deaths and permanent injuries the Estonians believe will be necessary.
Only time will tell if the war takes a turn for the better and Ukraine can use its new weapons
to inflict the casualties it supposedly needs to, but one thing about the casualties in the fighting
is clear – war may be a highly emotional matter, inspiring works of art and the consciousness
of nations for thousands of years, but to the generals, it is often only a matter of math.
What do the casualties in Ukraine reveal about the state of the war and the prospects for
both sides? Will Ukraine be able to inflict the necessary casualties on Russia as its
so-called “shell hunger” ends this summer? Don’t forget to let us know in the comments.
Also make sure to like this video to support the channel and hit the subscribe button for
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